{"id":7030,"date":"2026-10-14T21:00:00","date_gmt":"2026-10-14T18:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/mikhailinvest.com\/putin-fights-to-preserve-russias-fading-influence-in-central-asia\/"},"modified":"2026-10-14T21:00:00","modified_gmt":"2026-10-14T18:00:00","slug":"putin-fights-to-preserve-russias-fading-influence-in-central-asia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mikhailinvest.com\/ru\/putin-fights-to-preserve-russias-fading-influence-in-central-asia\/","title":{"rendered":"Putin Fights to Preserve Russia\u2019s Fading Influence in Central Asia"},"content":{"rendered":"

Back in 1991, the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States placed the final nail in the Soviet Union\u2019s coffin. Since then, the CIS itself has proven mostly moribund, falling far short of fulfilling the aims outlined in its 1993 charter<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The results of the recent CIS summit in Turkmenistan, marking the 35th anniversary of its formation, offered more of the same, featuring lots of empty rhetoric about the organization\u2019s relevance and happy talk about its future. Russian leader Vladimir Putin was perhaps the CIS\u2019 biggest cheerleader at the conclave, held at the Avaza resort<\/a> on the Caspian seashore.<\/p>\n

At odds with the organization\u2019s lengthy record of inactivity and dysfunction<\/a>, Putin\u2019s pumped up the CIS for \u201chaving come a long way, establishing itself as an influential regional integration association.\u201d<\/p>\n

Economically speaking, there is little justification for keeping the CIS around. But Putin has a very good reason to keep it alive. Despite its shortcomings, the CIS is a regional vehicle that the Kremlin can use to combat the erosion<\/a> of Russia\u2019s cultural and historical legacy in Central Asia and the South Caucasus.<\/p>\n

Underlying Putin\u2019s speech at Avaza was a fear that Russia is losing its cultural grip over its erstwhile empire. He \u043e\u0442\u043c\u0435\u0447\u0435\u043d\u043d\u044b\u0439<\/a> the CIS had enabled member states to \u201cpreserve, and in many areas even broaden \u2026 social, cultural and humanitarian ties our peoples forged over centuries of living together within a single state.\u201d<\/p>\n

He also cast the Russian language as \u201ca powerful unifying force throughout the vast space of the CIS.\u201d He went on to mention a Kremlin initiative launched this year to \u201cpreserve the common Russian-language cultural and humanitarian legacy, and to promote and popularize Russian.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Russian language is under growing pressure<\/a> across Central Asia. It remains the primary means of interstate communication for business and diplomacy, but English is gaining ground. The same holds for a growing number of young people in major cities in the region, including Almaty, Astana, and Tashkent, who seem to prefer to speak English or their local languages, rather than Russian. Meanwhile, outside major urban centers, many under 35 show only a rudimentary grasp of Russian.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Central Asian governments are likewise legislating the erosion of Russian. Kazakhstan\u2019s new constitution, for example, downgraded<\/a> Russian\u2019s status. Also this year, Uzbekistan introduced a revised Latin alphabet,<\/a> although Cyrillic also remains in use. Kazakhstan is also moving towards<\/a> the Latinization of its alphabet.<\/p>\n

Moves to reduce Russia\u2019s cultural influence extend to interpretations of history. Soviet historiography tended to cast Russian political, cultural and economic influence in Central Asia as a \u201ccivilizing\u201d force. A revisionist trend now views Moscow\u2019s legacy as oppressive, rather than beneficial.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Underscoring this change in attitude is the Uzbek State Museum Devoted to the Memory of Victims of Repression during<\/a> Tsarist and Soviet rule. Kazakhstan and other Central Asian states have also scaled back<\/a> celebrations commemorating<\/a> the Red Army\u2019s triumph over Nazi Germany in 1945.<\/p>\n

The historical revisionist movement in Central Asia strikes at a central pillar of Putinism, which views the Soviet collapse in 1991 as a calamity and the defeat of the Nazis as an eternal achievement reaffirming Russia\u2019s greatness.<\/p>\n

It is noteworthy, then, that among the 15 mostly perfunctory documents signed at the conclusion of the Avaza CIS gathering, one stands out for articulating an aim to \u201cpreserve historical memory.\u201d That document<\/a> was highlighted in a readout of the summit\u2019s proceedings issued by the Kremlin. It is specifically intended to \u201cpreserve the memory of the Victory of the Soviet peoples in the Great Patriotic War of 1941\u20131945.\u201d<\/p>\n

In pondering whether such a document can help the Kremlin reinforce Russia\u2019s cultural influence in Central Asia, one might recall a phrase uttered by then-Russian prime minister Viktor Chernomyrdin in 1993 when talking about Russia\u2019s reform process: \u201cWe wanted the best, but it turned out as usual.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u041a \u0415\u0432\u0440\u0430\u0437\u0438\u0430\u0441\u0435\u0442<\/a><\/p>\n

\u0414\u0440\u0443\u0433\u0438\u0435 \u043b\u0443\u0447\u0448\u0438\u0435 \u0441\u0442\u0430\u0442\u044c\u0438 \u0441 \u0441\u0430\u0439\u0442\u0430 Oilprice.com<\/strong><\/p>\n